"A room measuring approximately 20 feet in length and 15 feet in width, packed with 35 to 40 students sleeping on the floor. While sleeping, bodies would be pressed against one another due to the extreme overcrowding. The room's condition would often turn unsanitary, and bedbug infestations became rampant. Whenever summoned by leaders of the ruling student organization, attendance to the political programs was mandatory. Refusal to comply resulted in verbal abuse and psychological harassment."

That was the dystopian reality, as described by students themselves, inside the dormitories of the country's highest seat of learning, the University of Dhaka-just one year ago, under the authoritarian, and by popular perception, Fascist government led by Sheikh Hasina, in power for 15 uninterrupted years by then.

Everything however was changed forever by the abrupt collapse of her Awami League government on August 5, 2024 - the culmination of the July Uprising, the monumental movement that by the end had drawn in people from all walks of life, but was very much led by the students of Dhaka University, marking yet another glorious chapter in the 104-year history of the institution.

Prior to the July Uprising, almost every aspect of campus life was influenced by the ruling party's student wing, the Bangladesh Chhatra League. The allocation of dormitory seats was controlled by the organisation. First- and second-year students, upon entering the halls, were typically denied proper seats and forced to stay in overcrowded 'Gonoroom'. In some cases, even third-year students had to live in these cramped conditions. In contrast, Chhatra League leaders enjoyed single beds, and in many halls, some enjoyed entire rooms to themselves.

A fourth-year student of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Hall, Muslimur Rahman, said, "It felt like we were imprisoned in a concentration camp. If somebody returned to the room a little late at night, he wouldn't get space to sleep. Then he had to spend the whole night sitting in the reading room or sleeping in the mosque. Even those who slept in the room could not sleep peacefully due to bedbug bites and cramped conditions."

In stark contrast, leaders of the Chhatra League used to live comfortably in single-occupancy seats (dorms).

"They artificially created a seat crisis and held general students hostage," Muslimur continued. "Whenever they announced any political program, it had to be attended. On many occasions, they even instructed students to skip classes and join their programs."

What if they disobeyed these instructions, or didn't attend the program?

"Then the torture would begin," said Muslimur. "At night, they would be summoned and subjected to abusive language, threats, and even physical assault. This would take place in the Guestroom."

Dhaka University's 'Guestrooms'-typically a room near the hall's entrance meant for students and visitors to sit or wait-spelt terror for students. At night, students were taken to the Chhatra League. Seniors would sit, while junior students had to stand in line. Often, seniors wielded sticks used as weapons to intimidate them. Then, they would be interrogated-why they didn't greet their senior 'brothers', why they didn't attend party programs, and so on. They were subjected to vulgar abuse and severe psychological harassment.

A student named Pavel Ahmed shared a story. He said, "One of my friends missed the 'Guestroom' session for two days. As a result, a few of our immediate seniors came to our room. They verbally abused all of us. When they came to the friend who had missed the sessions, they insulted him with abusive language and even physically assaulted him over a trivial matter. Later, sensing the situation was escalating, a few others helped him leave the room safely."

And at times, of course, things could indeed spiral out of control, as happened on the night of October 7, 2019 - with the macabre killing of Abrar Fahad, that shocked the nation. Although he was a student of BUET, the two institutions are of course closely linked, and most certainly had succumbed to the same culture as prevailed at DU under the Awami League.

The ordeal for Pavel's friend however, was not over yet.

"Then they devised a terrifying plot," said Pavel. "They threw away all his clothes and labeled him a drug addict, a mugger, and more. They forced all of us to memorise and testify against him-saying he was a drug addict, a mugger, a member of Shibir (student wing of the Jamaat e Islami), and so on."

Over 15 years, this dark reality had become the norm in almost every dormitory of the university, and as a matter of fact, throughout the public university system. But not anymore, thanks to the July Uprising. Now, students say seat allocations are managed by the hall administration-there are no more 'Guestrooms' or 'Gonorooms'. This alone might be enough to vindicate the Uprising, at least for the country's student population.

Professor Abdullah-Al-Mamun, Convener of the Dhaka University Provosts Standing Committee and himself Provost of Salimullah Muslim Hall, said, "We have been able to abolish the Guestroom and Gonoroom system. The key reason behind this is a shift in political culture. Previously, the university was not seen as a center for research, but rather as a breeding ground for political power. Students were subjected to fascist repression, but now they are emerging from that. They are becoming aware of their rights. In the past, they were silenced through fear and intimidation."

But is it really forever?

"There is a view that once a political regime is in power again, the 'Guestroom' and 'Gonoroom' culture might return. But as far as I can see, that will never be possible," said Mamun. "Those who live in the halls will never accept the Guestroom-Gonoroom culture or the so-called 'big brother' culture. And if any political party is considering such a move, it would be a mistake."

It was not possible to reach the Chhatra League, which has since been banned as an organisation, for their comments with regard to these allegations. But as you walk through the campus today, and hear the testimonies from multiple sources match, they certainly ring true, when tallied with the extensive case record of the Chhatra League's crimes, that were documented throughout the AL's decade-and-a-half reign.

The end of authoritarianism

A university can never meet its potential in an atmosphere of authoritarianism, such as that which prevailed at Dhaka University, and by extension most public universities, till the July Uprising. The spirit of intellectual enquiry was suppressed, and dissenting opinions were not tolerated.

Md. Nizam Uddin, Vice President of the Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Chhatra Dal (BNP's student wing), said, "I had to take both my Honours and Master's exams under the guard of the proctorial body. Not just me-anyone involved in the anti-fascist movement faced the wrath of Chhatra League. We were attacked multiple times. Although we had the right to reside in the halls, we were not allowed to stay there. Students were living under a form of political slavery."

Although the journey since August 5 has not been without its bottlenecks, things are now slowly changing, and mostly for the better, he says.

"Now everyone can move freely-not just at Dhaka University, but across the country. There are still limitations, but positive changes have taken place in student politics. Earlier, due to the terrorist Chhatra League, no opposition voice could even enter the campus." said Nizam.

During Hasina's rule, Dhaka University was like an open prison, and the banned Chhatra League was responsible for controlling and managing this prison, said Miftahul Hossain Al Maruf, literature and sports secretary of the Islami Chhatra Shibir's Dhaka University branch.

He stated, "The most shocking thing was that university teachers, renowned academics, turned into party hooligans. Based on just one message in a department group, my Zia Hall provost and Chhatra League labeled me a traitor and even a terrorist. I was handed over to the Shahbagh Police Station."

With Hasina carrying out a political vendetta against Jamaat in the form of prosecuting their top leadership for war crimes and crimes against humanity during 1971, and her courts having stripped the party of its registration with the Election Commission, life was not easy at all for members of their student wing Shibir.

"Not only at Dhaka University but across the country, identifying as Shibir-or even suspicion of being linked to Shibir-was considered a serious crime. Abrar Fahad and Bishwajit gave their lives merely on suspicion of Shibir affiliation," Maruf noted.

He added that now, coming out from there, students' democratic and fundamental rights are being practiced at Dhaka University. "We want this continuity to remain. Students should not become slaves of any particular political party."

What about academia?

As far as the academic atmosphere at the university is concerned, Dr. Rushad Faridi, Assistant Professor of Economics, believes not much has changed. He too stresses that significant changes have taken place in the dormitories, where students previously endured inhumane torture. Political cadres had taken over the residential halls, but public universities have now been freed from that grip.

"But the quality of education and research in universities hasn't improved. The necessary steps for such changes are not being taken," said Dr. Faridi.

"Some efforts are being made to improve research standards, but they are minimal-and mostly for show," he added. "There's an attempt to move up in the rankings by increasing publications, but the actual quality of teaching remains the same as before."

He further stated that teachers are not focusing on the value of education or student welfare. "If a university's ranking improves, teachers gain prestige, and that indirectly benefits students-but their own status is the main priority. Whether classroom teaching is effective or not is not their concern. Teachers get paid regardless of the quality of their teaching. So no one really cares. If teaching performance were a factor in promotions, perhaps teachers would be more attentive."

Abdul Kader, one of the key coordinators of the July Uprising, stated that students' opinions still tend to be ignored in the academic sphere, and crises that have long existed remain unresolved.

Kader said, "There is still no effort to ensure teachers' accountability or prioritise student interests. As students, our rights in the academic domain are consistently overlooked. There's a prevailing culture of arbitrariness among teachers-a kind of class-based discrimination. For example, a teacher might decide just an hour before whether a class or exam will be held, which causes immense disruption."

"There are also political rivalries among teachers, and students often end up being the victims," he added. "Whether it's sexual harassment by a teacher or political victimisation, there is no redress. As students, we don't have any structured system where we can report such issues or seek justice. We are yet to overcome these fundamental problems."

Kader may get the chance to affect some changes in this regard, with the announcement that after a six-year hiatus (that itself followed one of nearly 30 years), the Dhaka University Central Students' Union elections will be held on September 9. Currently serving as the DU branch convener of the Bangladesh Ganatantrik Chhatra Sangsad, formed in the aftermath of the Uprising, he has declared himself the organisation's candidate for the top post up for grabs in the election - the vice president. The university's vice chancellor serves as the president.

Expectations on hold

While many expectations have been fulfilled, several crises still persist. Abdul Kader stated that the movement at Dhaka University gained momentum through the quota reform protests, attacks by Chhatra League, and ultimately, the expulsion of Chhatra League from the campus on July 17th of last year, that portended the larger victory for the entire nation on August 5.

"The expulsion of Chhatra League on 17th July dismantled the old political culture. In that sense, our movement was successful," he said.

"However, two major expectations remain unmet-defining the structure of student politics and activating the student union. Only now, after ten or eleven months, we are seeing some steps regarding the student union," Kader added.

He emphasized, "A political settlement is crucial. If we fail to define the structure of student politics now, then within the next two years the dormitories may once again be occupied, the 'Guestroom' and 'Gonoroom' cultures may return, and provosts may once again become subservient to the ruling party. In that case, the ultimate goals we hoped for will not be achieved."

A charter to carry the dream

In many ways, the situation described at DU, with regards to the realised gains versus the expectations of the Uprising, one year on, represents a microcosm of the larger picture nationwide. A number of positives, yet expectations unmet, and now waiting for an election. There is a strong sense however, that the 'political settlement' Kader talks about, will have to come from the national stage. And that is why the people were looking to the proceedings of the National Consensus Commission, as we were over the last several weeks and even months.

The NCC represented a sort of apex body, standing above the various commissions formed by the Muhammad Yunus-led interim government, that was tasked with determining the most important reforms the country would have to undertake, in order to emerge most effectively out of this dark chapter of autocracy that was imposed on its people. Like all such eras that last long enough, and Hasina's second spell certainly lasted long enough, politics becomes broken at some point in such a setting. This is evident in how even today, those who felled the AL's once all powerful, all pervasive regime, cannot help but deploy some of the same tactics that the AL did, in dealing with their opponents.

Be that as it may, the most important task for the NCC, its deliverable if you like, was the July Charter, and according to reports coming in late, despite setting themselves the almost impossible task of achieving consensus among more than 30 political parties that took part in these talks, thanks to a subtle innovation - namely, the note of dissent - the NCC was able to wrap up its deliberations just in time, to allow for the charter to be presented before the nation in time for the first anniversary of Hasina fleeing the nation.

On the last day, the stakeholders started proceedings knowing 7 key issues, including the appointment of the caretaker government chief, formation of an upper house, and election of the president, remained unresolved. Instead of going round and round wasting time trying to arrive at consensus, these issues were resolved by allowing the parties to register notes of dissent against some final version proposed by the NCC. This allows the parties room to be open with the public on issues they may seek to reverse, if elected to power. Or if meant to be implemented following the election, that they may ignore in government.

While the NCC's vice-chair, Professor Ali Riaz, was quite chuffed to have reached "consensus" on the seven issues at play, it comes with the caveat that six of the agreements carried notes of dissent, mostly from the BNP and allies.

Nevertheless, over months of talks, the parties had come together on 19 of the 20 key reform issues highlighted by the commission, including ones aimed at balancing executive power, restructuring state institutions, and restoring public trust in governance. They include the procedure for appointing an election-time caretaker government, imposing a 10-year term limit for the prime minister, barring party chiefs from holding the prime minister's post, and establishing a bicameral legislature.

After the final day of talks at the Foreign Service Academy in Dhaka on Thursday (Jul. 31), that took place while protesters demanding the Charter laid siege to Shahbagh, Ali Riaz said, "Today, the majority of political parties reached an agreement on seven issues, although several parties, including the BNP, expressed dissent on six of them."

The commission said most of the parties have agreed to form a committee to select the chief adviser to the polls-time caretaker government, while the BNP and its allies have partially agreed to the proposal. The NCC reaffirmed its proposal for appointing the chief adviser to the election-time caretaker government through a five-member selection panel composed of top parliamentary leaders.

According to the plan, the prime minister, the leader of the opposition in parliament, the Speaker, the deputy Speaker (from the opposition), and a representative of the second-largest opposition party will form the panel. This body will choose a chief adviser from a pool of 12 nominees, submitted by the ruling party, the main opposition, and the second-largest opposition. There are a number of alternatives outlined to this proposal in case it fails to appoint the CA.

The parties also agreed to form a 100-member upper house of parliament through a form of "proportional representation", that is based on the total votes obtained by the parties in the lower house polls to each constituency. However the BNP, Jatiyatabadi Samamona Jote, the 12-Party Alliance, the NDM, LDP, and the Gano Forum expressed dissenting views on the idea of forming an upper house through this method.

The Communist Party of Bangladesh, Bangladesher Samajtantrik Dal (BASAD), and Jamiat Ulama-e-Islam Bangladesh withdrew entirely from discussions on the proposed upper house, citing the country's economic and social realities, for what would be a largely ornamental addition. Per the commission's framework, the upper house would not initiate legislation but would review all bills passed by the lower house, except finance bills. If it withholds approval for more than a month, the bill would be deemed passed. It may return bills with amendment recommendations, but if the lower house passes it again, it may go directly to the president for assent without further upper house approval.

During the talks on Thursday, the participants agreed to incorporate constitutional provisions for appointing the heads of four constitutional and statutory bodies. These are the Public Service Commission, the Anti-Corruption Commission, the Office of the Comptroller and Auditor General, and the Ombudsman's office.

However, the BNP, the 12-Party Alliance, National Democratic Movement (NDM), Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), and Aamjanatar Dal expressed their dissenting views on both proposals on the upper house and appointments to these four bodies.

The parties largely agreed that the president should be elected through secret ballots by members of both houses, with candidates required to resign from their political parties beforehand. Islami Andolan Bangladesh (IAB) was the lone holdout.

Prof Riaz said, "Our target was to conclude discussions by July 31, and we have successfully done so. We will prepare the full version of the July Charter soon and share it with political parties."

He added that a cordial atmosphere prevailed during the talks, and despite differences of opinion, efforts were made to reach a consensus on most issues. The discussions also touched on the process to implement the charter, and political parties requested guidance from the commission on that matter.

The commission may sit with the parties after getting their feedback on the roadmap, if necessary, Prof Riaz said. He did not take questions from journalists, saying the commission would try to hold a press briefing soon.

A nation abuzz with the thrill of rebuilding itself, will be holding its breath.

Additional reporting by Sajib Ahmed